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Nimiavaruudet Artikkeli Keskustelu. Näkymät Lue Muokkaa Muokkaa wikitekstiä Näytä historia. At first Ilyin perceived the February Revolution as the liberation of the people.
Along with many other intellectuals he generally approved of it. However, with the October Revolution complete, disappointment followed.
On the Second Moscow Conference of Public Figures he said, "The revolution turned into self-interested plundering of the state". Later, he assessed the revolution as the most terrible catastrophe in the history of Russia, the collapse of the whole state.
However, unlike many adherents of the old regime, Ilyin did not emigrate immediately. In , Ilyin became a professor of law in Moscow University; his scholarly thesis on Hegel was published.
After April , Ilyin was imprisoned several times for alleged anti-communist activity. His teacher Novgorodtsev was also briefly imprisoned.
In , he was eventually expelled among some prominent intellectuals, on the so-called " philosophers' ship ".
From to he lived in Berlin. He was offered the professorship in the Russian faculty of law in Prague under his teacher Pavel Novgorodtsev but he declined.
He became the main ideologue of the Russian White movement in emigration and between and was a publisher and editor of the Russian-language journal Russkiy Kolokol , Russian Bell.
He lectured in Germany and other European countries. In , the German National Socialists sacked Ilyin and put him under police surveillance. He died in Zollikon near Zürich on 21 December Russian President Vladimir Putin was personally involved in moving his remains back to Russia, and in consecrated his grave.
In exile, Ivan Ilyin argued that Russia should not be judged by the Communist danger it represented at that time but looked forward to a future in which it would liberate itself with the help of Christian Fascism.
One of the problems he worked on was the question: what has eventually led Russia to the tragedy of the revolution?
He answered that the reason was "the weak, damaged self-respect" of Russians. As a result, mutual distrust and suspicion between the state and the people emerged.
The authorities and nobility constantly misused their power, subverting the unity of the people. Ilyin thought that any state must be established as a corporation in which a citizen is a member with certain rights and certain duties.
Therefore, Ilyin recognized inequality of people as a necessary state of affairs in any country. But that meant that educated upper classes had a special duty of spiritual guidance towards uneducated lower classes.
This did not happen in Russia. The other point was the wrong attitude towards private property among common people in Russia.
Ilyin wrote that many Russians believed that private property and large estates are gained not through hard labour but through power and maladministration of officials.
Therefore, property becomes associated with dishonest behaviour. In his article, Ilyin argued against both totalitarianism and "formal" democracy in favor of a "third way" of building a state in Russia: .
Facing this creative task, appeals of foreign parties to formal democracy remain naive, light-minded and irresponsible.
For Ilyin to talk of a Ukraine separate from Russia was to be a mortal enemy of Russia. He disputed that an individual could choose their nationality any more than cells can decide whether they are part of a body.
The two above mentioned factors led to egalitarianism and to revolution. The alternative way of Russia according to Ilyin was to develop due "consciousness of law" of an individual based on morality and religiousness.
Ilyin developed his concept of the "consciousness of law" for more than 20 years until his death. He understood it as a proper understanding of law by an individual and ensuing obedience to the law.
During his life he refused to publish his major work About the Essence of Consciousness of Law and continued to rewrite it. He considered the consciousness of law as essential for the very existence of law.
Without proper understanding of law and justice, the law would not be able to exist. Another major work of Ilyin, "On Monarchy", was not finished.
He planned to write a book concerning the essence of monarchy in the modern world and its differences from the republic consisting of twelve chapters, but he died having written the introduction and seven chapters.
Ilyin argued that the main difference lay not in legal matters but in the conscience of law of common people.
According to Ilyin, the main distinctions were the following:. Ilyin was a monarchist. He believed that monarchical consciousness of law corresponds to such values as religious piety and family.
His ideal was the monarch who would serve for the good of the country, would not belong to any party and would embody the union of all people, whatever their beliefs are.
However he was critical of the monarchy in Russia. He believed that Nicholas II was to a large degree the one responsible for the collapse of Imperial Russia in His abdication and the subsequent abdication of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich were crucial mistakes which led to the abolition of monarchy and consequent troubles.
He was also critical of many figures of the emigration, including Kirill Vladimirovich, Grand Duke of Russia , who had proclaimed himself the new tsar in exile.
A number of Ilyin's works   including those written after the German defeat in advocated fascism.
According to a letter by Gul to Ilyin the former expressed extreme umbrage at Ilyin's suspicions that all those who disagreed with him were Jews.
In his article "The main thing" of "Our Tasks" Ilyin writes: "It is impossible to build the great and powerful Russia on any hatred: not on social class hatred social-democrats, communists, anarchists , nor on racial hatred racists, antisemites , nor on political hatred.